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The British Identity in a Reunited Ireland
 In
recent remarks by Mr. Varadkar, the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach)
stated,
“that
he
believed he would see a united Ireland in his lifetime”
and that,
“the success of a united Ireland would be judged on how it treats
its minorities and that means recognizing and acknowledging the
British identity of around one million unionists currently living in
Northern Ireland who would be brought into such an entity”
and
“people in the Republic need to start thinking more about how
unionists would be accommodated in the event of unity coming about”.
Although commendable from a political viewpoint, nonetheless,
his remarks raise a number of questions as to the type of a reunited
Ireland he envisions and why would Northern Ireland Unionists,
who identify as British need special treatment or protection
in a democratic reunited Ireland?
One may ask, does the Taoiseach envisions a reunited Ireland where
the six counties of Northern Ireland would be absorbed into the
26-county Republic of Ireland (Republic) in some type of a Good
Friday arrangement, with built-in safeguards to protect Unionists
who identify as British?
If special treatment for Unionists is necessary, it’s a given that
the entity he envisions would be akin to a house of cards prone to
collapse with the minutest provocation. In what seems like a
gesture of conciliation, he is introducing the element of
accommodation into the unity equation, a fatal flaw as none should
be needed in negotiations amongst equals.
Furthermore, the essence of his remarks, although gracious in their
intent, are nonetheless a throwback to tribalism and to the methods
used in the past to settle tribal conflicts. Ireland, since its
partition a hundred years ago, has been a conflicted tribal society
fueled by external and internal demagogues and religious zealots.
On the face of it, anyone living in a modern democratic society
should be able to lay claim to whichever identity they are
comfortable with. That assertion is based on the fact that an
individual’s identity is important and complex, made up of many
interactive layers that shapes one’s unique persona and value
system. A group identity should not be a contentious issue in a
reunited Ireland if the purveyors of unity are
honorable, sincere
and apply the principle of human equality to the task at hand.
It’s not unusual that people who identify as “A” or “B” cannot live,
function and interact effectively in each other’s homeland without
fear or favor. In the United States, people, as a matter of course,
identify as being Italian, Irish, English Nigerian, Brazilian or a
host of other identities while still being proud and protective of
their U.S. citizenship. They do not feel threatened when they do
so, nor do they feel that they are betraying or being unfaithful to
their homeland.
Whether or not one agrees with the Taoiseach vision and protracted
timeline for a reunited Ireland, it should not be a reason for
business as usual. If anything, it should be an incentive to strive
for a new political order that would end the century-long festering
nightmare of tribalism and religious bigotry that has plagued the
country and set generations of its sons and daughters adrift in
search of new lives elsewhere.
Nothing short of a classless, modern and democratic reunited Ireland
underpinned by a new constitution would suffice to move beyond the
tribalism that keeps it rooted in conflict, and allow it to thrive
as a progressive,
humanitarian, and an
enlightened society. To that end, the
Athaontaithe (Reunited Ireland) proposal, outlined on this website
is intended to meet that objective.
An important aspect of Irish reunification would be the reuniting of
those factions of society that has been exploited for political and
religious reason by unscrupulous and divisive leaders. That aspect
of reunification, seemingly, is the one of most concern for the
Taoiseach. He is correct as far as that goes, but wrong in his
suggested solutions. The idea of Northern Ireland being swallowed
up, lock stock and barrel, by the Republic would be
anathematic to the people of Northern Ireland especially to
Unionists who identify as British and, heaven forbid, find
themselves classified as a protected minority in the new entity.
Approaching reunification as the benevolent kingmaker with most of the
cards or, on the other hand, a kingmaker with a score to settle, are
non-starters that would understandably render reunification
unattainable.
In the reunited Ireland envisioned in the Athaontaithe (Reunited
Ireland) proposal, all individuals born in Northern Ireland would be
by definition Irish citizens irrespective of their prior affiliation
or citizenship. As such, their human
rights would be protected under the following conventions embodied
in the constitution, as would the human rights of Irish-born citizens and all others
living in the Republic.
The
European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)
The European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)
The European Social Charter (ESC), and
The Revised Social
Charter; Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities (FCNM).
Likewise, their civil rights would be the same as those afforded
Irish citizens and lawful residents of the Republic. The would also
be protected by provisions of the Common Travel Area (CTA)
a long-standing arrangement between the UK and Ireland. Under
the CTA, British and Irish citizens can reside in either
jurisdiction and enjoy associated rights and privileges, including
the right to work, study and vote, and have access to social welfare
benefits and health services. The CTA pre-dates both British and
Irish membership of the European Union. It would remain in place
after Irish reunification.
In addition to the rights spelled out in the CTA, individuals born
in Northern Ireland who identify as British citizens may run for
elected office and take their seats in regional and national
legislatures, providing they sign a
statement of allegiance to the constitution, a requirement
applicable to all elected representatives. They would not be required to hold an Irish
passport or any other document other than a birth certificate that
shows they were born in Ireland. The only exception to that
requirement would be if an elected representative or government
appointee travels abroad as representatives of the Irish government,
as such they would be required to travel as bearers of Irish
passports.
After Irish reunification, the children of British citizens born in
Ireland would automatically be registered as Irish citizens. If they
are born in the UK and return to Ireland to live, they would be
subject to the terms of the CTA.
For those Unionists who harbor reservations of living in a reunited
Ireland, it would be reasonable to hope
that access to the European Union (EU) and to the career
opportunities and social networks it offers, would more than
compensate for their unfounded fears of a reunited Ireland that
would be a new
entity founded on equality and humanity.
Something to ponder for those who do not believe that unity makes us
stronger as a people and nation -- just look to the united Irish
rugby team who continue to vanquish the rugby almighties in
onslaughts worthy of Hercules.
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