The History of Eire Nua,

 The original Irish Reunification Proposal

Eire Nua was a political proposal aimed at Irish reunification through the establishment of a federal system with provincial parliaments, with a particular focus on the nine-county province of Ulster. It emerged from grassroots economic and social experiences in Donegal and sought to address the partition and political marginalization in Northern Ireland.

Origin in local empowerment: In the mid-1960s, Daithi O'Conaill, the author of Eire Nua, was involved with a successful local cooperative venture in Co. Donegal. The cooperative was situated in a remote, economically depressed, and neglected area, plagued by emigration and high unemployment rates.

During his involvement with the venture, Daithi also realized that the physical remoteness of the local people from the center of power in Dublin was linked to the neglect and hardship they faced. This situation was made worse by the psychological barrier created by their forced separation from neighbors in the six counties of Ulster occupied by the British. The experience of working with, directing, and observing local people who successfully managed their own affairs independently of centralized authority had a profound impact on Daithi and planted the seeds of the Eire Nua concept in his mind. Faced with his political skills and desire to plan, these seeds took root and grew into the idea of a new beginning not just for Donegal and Ulster, but for all of Ireland.

Ulster provincial parliament proposal: Daithi understood that the first step in forming a new Ireland was the reunification of the nine-county province of Ulster. In explaining this idea in 1969, he wrote:

"By creating a provincial parliament for the nine counties of Ulster, within the framework of a new Ireland, the partition system would be disestablished, and the problem of the border removed. The Protestant people of Ulster would have a working majority and would have immediate access to power. Furthermore, the devolution of power to the local level would ensure that each community has the opportunity to foster its own traditions and culture. Each region and community would have within itself the immediate power to deal with its own social and economic problems. Such devolution of power from one central authority to the people is the essence of democracy. The Nationalist population would be of sufficient strength to ensure a strong and credible opposition within reach of power. For the first time in fifty years, we would see a normalization of politics with an end to the domination of one community by another and the resultant frustration and conflict".

Official launch amid conflict: In 1969, when war reignited in Ireland, Daithi was deeply involved with the Republican movement. Before the start of internment in August 1971, he shared his ideas of Eire Nua with the Republican leadership and was given the go-ahead to move forward. On August 21, 1971, at the Westenra Arms Hotel in Monaghan, with over 500 people anxiously waiting outside in the square, the Provisional Sinn Féin leadership officially announced the Eire Nua program. Historians, local and international media, and prominent figures, including Sinn Féin delegates from all over Ireland, enthusiastically welcomed the birth of Eire Nua.

Context of Civil Rights and Violence: In 1967, while Daithi O’Conaill was finalizing Eire Nua, an unrelated movement was emerging in the occupied six counties of northeast Ireland. The nonviolent civil rights movement, inspired by Martin Luther King Jr., took to the streets, demanding equality in employment, housing, voting rights, police treatment, and civil rights. These protests were met with violent opposition from Stormont, the Northern Ireland government. They were attacked and beaten by Unionist mobs led by the police (RUC) and B-Specials (militia). Their homes and communities were burned to the ground; many were killed, and thousands were forced to flee across the border to the Irish Free State.

One of the most notable marches during this period took place from Belfast to Derry, led by student activist Bernadette Devlin. The marchers were attacked by a frenzied mob of Unionists supported by the RUC and B-Specials. This was the first time the outside world saw the true nature of Northern Ireland. Initially, the Republican movement was not involved in these events. However, as state-led violence against Nationalists increased, the IRA was asked to help defend communities from the Unionist onslaught. During this same time, while thousands were fleeing across the border, the Irish Free State government, despite its promise of "not standing idly by," actually stood by and allowed the violence to happen. Meanwhile, the IRA, acting in a defensive role, was successful in securing the Nationalist areas.

In the meantime, the British government sent tens of thousands of troops to the north, claiming to defend the Nationalist communities against the Unionist mobs. However, the role of the British army soon became clear when they stopped acting as "peacemakers" and instead were deployed as security forces in Nationalist areas. To counter the IRA's successes in defending these areas, the Stormont government, on August 9th, 1971, with the help of the British army, introduced internment without trial. The victims of this crackdown were all taken from Nationalist areas.

 During this period, the civil rights movement became more radicalized due to the treatment it received from the Stormont government. They took part in acts of civil disobedience, including anti-internment protests. It was during one such protest in Derry on Sunday, January 30th, 1972, that British paratroopers opened fire, killing thirteen instantly and wounding many others. This killing of unarmed demonstrators became known as the Bloody Sunday massacre and effectively marked the end of peaceful protests and the start of conflict.

Aware of the consequences of the approaching war, the IRA Army Council endorsed Daithi O’Connell’s plan for a political solution for Ireland. On August 11th, 1971, two days after internment, they issued a statement calling for the establishment of an alternative government for Ulster.

Promotion and resistance:  The statement of August 11th, 1971, calling for an alternative form of government for the nine counties of Ulster, marked the official launch of Eire Nua. One week later, on August 18, Ruairi O'Bradaigh, President of Sinn Féin, stated support for the proposals. The statement said that the people of Ulster should move forward to establish a regional parliament for the nine counties. It also noted that the settlement of 1921, which created both the Stormont and Dublin parliaments, was unworkable and against the interests of the Irish people. It called for dismantling both states to make way for the New Ireland. It concluded by urging the people of Connacht to consider joining Ulster in establishing their own regional parliament.

On August 21, 1971, a convention was held in Monaghan to discuss establishing an Ulster parliament (Dail Ulaidh). Invitations were sent to a wide range of people, including elected officials from various political backgrounds. All nine counties of Ulster were represented. The convention garnered both national and international attention, receiving significant media coverage. Among those attending were two Westminster parliamentarians, Frank McManus and Paddy Kennedy. Since these were the only parliamentary-level officials present, it was decided that, as a first step, a council would be formed to promote Dail Ulaidh. Paddy Kennedy and Frank McManus were chosen to lead the council. With the help of a constitutional expert from Dublin, the council drafted structures for local and provincial governments.

A significant meeting was held in Tuam, the former capital of Connacht. Desmond Fennell and Maura Conlon organized this gathering. Attendees included various organizations and individuals from all five counties of Connacht. The meeting attracted national attention and significant media coverage, similar to the meeting in Monaghan. A council was established for the same purpose as the Ulster council, and officers were elected to lead it. Follow-up meetings took place in Westport and Drumshambo.

Federalism vs. regional assembly: In the spring of 1972, a committee was formed at University College Galway to study the implications of and make recommendations for establishing a federal system composed of the four provinces. The main question examined was whether Eire Nua should be set up as a unitary system with regional assemblies or as a federal republic with four provincial parliaments. The key difference identified by the committee was that a regional assembly could be suspended at will by the central government, as was the case with Stormont, suspended by the British government. In contrast, a federal arrangement would involve sharing powers between the provinces and the central government. Under this system, the federal government could not suspend the provincial parliaments. The Supreme Court would serve as the final arbiter in all disputes between the provinces and the central government. The leadership of the Republican movement chose the latter approach and is currently the foundation of the Eire Nua program.

Growing Resistance to Eire Nua: The suspension of the Stormont government by the British government in the spring of 1972 created a political vacuum. It offered a real opportunity for Irish political parties to present their solutions for achieving lasting peace for the Irish people. The Irish Republican movement stepped into the breach and continued to politicize the Eire Nua program. A further obstacle was removed when, on June 26th, 1972, a bilateral truce was called between the IRA and the British government. However, the Dublin government and the various political parties that had paid lip service to Irish unity remained silent, instead working to undermine the peace negotiations.

On June 28, 1972, a press conference took place at the Ormond Hotel in Dublin to promote the Eire Nua program. The program proposed creating four provincial parliaments with a federal Parliament at the center. Media representatives from Ireland, the United Kingdom, and other European countries attended the event. Despite efforts by the Irish government and other political parties to divert attention from the main issue, Irish Republican representatives successfully emphasized their vision for a new Ireland. They clarified that their proposals were not final or exclusive of other ideas. They also announced that the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms would be incorporated into the domestic law of the new Ireland. They indicated that this new Ireland would mark a complete break from the past.

Due to the ongoing success and increasing interest in the Eire Nua program, the Dublin government became fearful of its own privileged position and power. It responded by banning Sinn Féin spokespersons from radio and television. As a result, while the BBC, UTV, and other major European networks broadcast the press conference live, Irish radio and television minimized the event, thus denying the Irish people the chance to judge the merits of the Eire Nua program for themselves. Gradually, the grip of censorship tightened, and in 1976, Conor Cruise O'Brien, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, made censorship official government policy.

The media in the United States also applied censorship during a coast-to-coast television discussion among Unionists, Nationalists, and Republicans, broadcast from Boston. John Hume advocated for and successfully had Ruairi O'Bradaigh's Eire Nua proposals removed from the program. However, upon returning to Ireland, O'Bradaigh stated that during a chance meeting with Gerry, a member of the 26-County parliament, L'Estrange declared that "nobody could take away from your regional government policy, it is very progressive."

Unionists’ engagement: During the bilateral talks between the IRA and the British government in 1972, the late Daithi O’Conaill handed a copy of the Eire Nua program to William Whitelaw, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. This action by O'Conaill made it clear whether or not the British government was aware of the Irish Republican movement's intentions regarding the Irish question. However, they refused to credit the movement for proposing a solid political solution to the Irish question. The talks ultimately failed.

At a seminar held in Galway in 1974, Frank McManus M.P., speaking about Eire Nua, stated, "there was nothing as powerful as an idea whose time has come," and "the only criticism that can be made of Eire Nua was the source from where it came, and that was not a valid criticism."

In the summer of 1974, during the recording of a UTV talk show, Sammy Smyth from the UDA expressed his concern to Ruairi O'Bradaigh about the changing population—specifically the decreasing ratio of Protestants to Catholics—in a nine-county area of what would become the new Ulster. Such a comment from a hardline Loyalist leader, though negative, represented a new perspective among some leaders of the ultra-hardline Loyalist community. Further discussions ensued with Rev. Eric Gallagher, a prominent Methodist minister, who stated that political scientists at leading universities had analyzed Eire Nua and found no fault with its system of checks and balances.

In 1976, the Rev. Billy Arklow, who later became dean of St. Andrews Cathedral in Belfast, arranged for O'Bradaigh to give a twenty-minute presentation of Eire Nua at Queen's University in Belfast, to an audience that included leaders of the Protestant community. The presentation was well received, as indicated by the number and variety of questions asked. Harry Murray, chairman of the Ulster Workers' Council, commented that the Eire Nua program was similar to the Australian system, which is a federation of states that seems to work well.

The Undermining of Eire Nua: The steady growth of Eire Nua in the mid-1900s was driven by the Irish Republican movement and supported by the IRA. This did not discourage pro-British Loyalists and Unionists from engaging in direct talks on the Eire Nua federal policy with leading Irish Republicans, most notably Daithi O'Conaill and Ruairi O'Bradaigh.

In 1974, Desmond Boal expressed support for the growing Loyalist opinion favoring Eire Nua. Boal, who served as secretary to Ian Paisley, issued a statement advocating for a two-state federal solution, consisting of the 26-county and 6-county states. While the Republican leadership recognized that it was a significant step forward for Loyalists and Unionists to support British disengagement and a form of federalism, they believed that a two-state federation would not succeed because the two sides would be in constant conflict, similar to the situation in Czechoslovakia. Nonetheless, discussions with Boal and others continued until the collapse of the Power Sharing Executive.

The large number of publications from that era shows that the Irish people recognized there was a solution and that the Eire Nua federal policy was their top choice. Some of the most notable publications included "Towards a Greater Ulster," "Ireland as a Whole," "Take the Faeroes for Example," "The Third Republic," "A New Nationalism" — Desmond Fennell; "Ulster the Future" — Frank McManus M.P.; "Shaping a New Society" — Emmett O'Connell; and "Our People Our Future" — Ruairi O'Bradaigh.

Internal challenges and decline: However, undercurrents were growing within the Irish Republican movement due to the influx of newcomers, especially in the North. From these would emerge the men and women who led the blanket protest, sacrificed their lives on hunger strikes, and fought an all-out war for a united Ireland. At the same time, some individuals with personal agendas saw the situation as an opportunity to seize control of the movement. These opportunists, aware that the Republican leadership at the time was highly respected for Eire Nua, worked to gradually remove them by undermining Eire Nua.

At the 1980 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis, the Belfast leadership, along with branches in Dublin, sought to remove the term "federalism" from Sinn Féin policy and replace it with "maximum decentralization." Daithi O'Conaill later resigned from Sinn Féin after becoming the first victim of political cleansing. He later returned as Vice President of the newly formed Republican Sinn Féin. He authored "Towards a Peaceful Ireland" and "Eire Nua: A New Democracy," the updated version of which was published before his untimely death in 1991.

Rebirth and ongoing relevance: To summarize, the late Daithi O'Conaill, one of the leading military strategists and political visionaries of the 1970s, founded Eire Nua. Alongside Ruairi O'Bradaigh, President of Republican Sinn Féin, Daithi initiated dialogue with leaders of Loyalist groups in the occupied six counties. Many meetings took place during the Eire Nua promotional campaign of the seventies. Still, personal ambitions within the Republican movement and opposition from supporters of the status quo seemed to have sidelined Eire Nua. Meanwhile, we have been presented with initiatives, super initiatives, and now hyper initiatives by the governments in London and Dublin.

The saying that nothing good comes easy can be applied to Eire Nua, as it makes a slow comeback, led by Republican Sinn Féin in Ireland. Once again, we see increasing awareness of Eire Nua, reflected in more meetings and media coverage. Since then, several significant events have confirmed its revival. On December 7, 1993, a press conference was held in Belfast to launch the new bilingual Eire Nua program. At the press conference, Ruari O'Bradaigh, in a message to the Unionists, said:

"That, in the context of an English public undertaking to withdraw, the Ulster identity is a legitimate identity which can find expression in a nine-county Ulster parliament with strong local government. The position of each of the four provinces would be entrenched in a new Federal Ireland in a written constitution with complete separation of church and state and a pluralist society".

Channel 4 and Sky News in Britain covered the press conference, as did The Irish Times and The Belfast Telegraph.

In June of 2000, Bertie Ahern, the 26-county Prime Minister, criticized the Eire Nua program with faint praise by saying that while Eire Nua had its merits, those who promoted it, like Republican Sinn Féin, were suspect because they did not participate in the 'peace process'. Ruairi O'Bradaigh responded by saying that the British had no problem sitting down to discuss the Eire Nua peace plan at the height of the war in the 1970s.