As Unionists dawdle and lose, Sinn Féin dons the imperial cloak.

Unionism in Northern Ireland stands at a crossroads. Demographic shifts, evolving voter values, and the rise of progressive politics have eroded its traditional dominance. Meanwhile, Sinn Féin has emerged as the leading nationalist force, engaging enthusiastically with British and EU institutions and positioning itself as the principal architect of Northern Ireland’s political future as a constituent entity of the United Kingdom, the very entity it once sought to leave.

In this context, the proposed Federal Parliamentary Republic offers a path forward: one rooted in pluralism, regional autonomy, and constitutional stability. It is not a blueprint for triumph or defeat, but for shared relevance. If embraced by Unionists, it would ensure not only a seat at the table but a meaningful role in shaping the next chapter of Irish governance.

The choice is stark: marginalization or renewal. The future will not wait. A new civic reality is fast approaching, and with it, the opportunity to build a reunited Ireland that honors diversity, safeguards traditions, and reimagines sovereignty as a shared endeavor.

Historical roots of decline. The unionist community and its political and religious leaders in Northern Ireland must now understand that their long-held dominance over political and social life is coming to an end. It’s clear that time, history, and progress weaken flawed institutions and movements founded on prejudice, control, and fear. Its peak has been surpassed by progressivism, driven by successive generations of better-educated and more informed voters who value inclusiveness and equality over tribalism and misplaced loyalties, which are core to Unionism.

In 1969, as the civil rights movement gained momentum in response to ongoing discriminatory and violently unjust policies directed at the Catholic minority by the Unionist-dominated government, it marked the moment when Unionism began its slow decline into irrelevance as a political force. By then, it had overplayed its hand and lost.

Successive events, including a 30-year low-grade war, the presence of the European Union and its economic impacts and mandates, a rapidly changing demographic, and Brexit, have created a significant shift in Northern Ireland away from Unionism. To provide some context on its decline since the state was established in 1920, here is its share of the vote over the years:

• In the 1921 General Election, it was 66.9%.

• In the 1969 General Election, it was 67.4%.

• In the 2022 Assembly Elections, it was 40.1%.

• In the 2023 Local Elections, it was 38.4%.

Sinn Féin's political rise: While the unionist parties in Northern Ireland sulk, Sinn Féin, the largest of the nationalist parties there, has been cooperating with British government and European Union officials. They have enthusiastically supported every initiative put forward to resolve Brexit-related issues, including the Northern Ireland Protocol.

Now that Sinn Féin is the largest political party in Northern Ireland, it is the first in line to welcome members of the royal family and senior British government officials visiting the region. As loyal British subjects, they are carrying out tasks that used to be the responsibility of Unionist politicians. The lesson here for Unionists is that the British government will work with any willing party, regardless of perceived cultural ties or loyalties.   

Irish reunification stance: Sinn Féin markets itself as the party for Irish reunification. If its leaders genuinely believe that, why haven't they proposed a clear plan for achieving it? All they do is periodically call for a border poll. In reality, Irish reunification isn't its primary focus; instead, the organization is concentrated on building to gain political dominance in both parts of Ireland. It has already secured that in Northern Ireland and might do the same in the next election cycle in the Republic of Ireland. If it achieves this, it will probably declare the country united, at least under Sinn Féin’s banner.

There is no reason to believe that Sinn Féin would be open to a solution for Irish reunification that grants Unionists or, for that matter, the people of Northern Ireland any level of autonomy. Their goal is complete control. A federal system for a thirty-two-county all-Ireland Republic is fundamentally incompatible with the current leadership of Sinn Féin. They prefer to maintain a centralized power base in Dublin.

Historical federal proposal:  In 1971, Daithi O’Conaill and Ruairi O’Bradaigh, high-ranking members of Provisional Sinn Féin, issued statements calling for an alternative form of government for the nine counties of Ulster. Their statement heralded the launch of Eire Nua, a proposed federal-based system of government for an eventual reunited Ireland. The first step in that process was for the people of Ulster to set up a regional parliament for the nine counties of Ulster.

 By 1972, Eire Nua had become the official policy of Provisional Sinn Féin. Numerous meetings were held with unionist leaders to discuss Eire Nua. Several of their leaders agreed that Eire Nua would be the preferred solution to reunification if indeed reunification became inevitable.  

In the early 1980s, the northern leadership of Provisional Sinn Féin dismissed the federalist vision of Éire Nua as a mere “sop to the Unionists.” This rejection catalyzed a decisive break: Daithí Ó Conaill and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, unwilling to abandon the federal framework, parted ways with the Provisionals and established Republican Sinn Féin, a new organization committed to advancing Éire Nua’s vision of a reimagined Ireland, rooted in regional autonomy and national unity.

Federal Parliamentary Republic proposal:  Until now, only Eire Nua has offered a comprehensive constitutional vision for Irish reunification. This proposal introduces a new alternative: a Federal Parliamentary Republic encompassing all thirty-two counties of Ireland, grounded in regional equity, democratic renewal, and constitutional pluralism. Under this model, the island would be federated into three distinct regions:

•  Ulster Region – comprising all nine counties of historic Ulster

•  Munster–Connacht Region – uniting the eleven counties of Munster and Connacht

•   Leinster Region – encompassing the twelve counties of Leinster

This tripartite federation is designed to balance economic capacity, cultural identity, and political voice. The union of Connacht and Munster ensures that neither region is left politically diminished or economically peripheral. Together, they form a counterweight to the capital-centric gravitational pull of Dublin.

At the heart of this republic would be a new written constitution, enshrining the division of powers between the national parliament and the regional governments. This constitution would be the supreme law of the land, binding on all institutions and citizens, and affirming a shared civic allegiance across traditional divides.

Crucially, this framework offers the people of Ulster, unionist and nationalist alike, a meaningful guarantee: self-government within unity. Rather than being subsumed into a centralized state, Ulster would exercise governmental authority equal to that of the other two regions, preserving its distinctiveness while participating fully in a common Irish future.

This federal vision rejects the dominance of any one region or ideology. It seeks instead to reimagine Irish unity not as absorption, but as partnership, a republic of regions, rooted in mutual respect, democratic consent, and constitutional balance.

Call for Unionist engagement: If Unionist political leaders stop grasping at straws and choose to take a proactive approach, they should carefully consider this proposal, as it offers a better future for them and all the people of Ulster.

Unionism in Northern Ireland is a diminished force. These outdated demands lack support among the general public, the farming and business communities, and are now being ignored by the ‘powers that be’ in London. Instead of looking to their past history for solutions to present-day problems, they should focus on ways to usher in a new era of peace and prosperity for the citizens of Northern Ireland and, for that matter, all of Ireland.

It would be ironic, yet fitting, if Protestant politicians were the ones to push for Irish reunification, completing the circle of past Protestant figures like Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmet, Roddy McCorley, William Orr, and many other Protestant leaders who fought and sacrificed their lives for.

Societal integration and the future: Unionism today finds itself on the losing side of change. The past, with its myths, grievances, and certainties, no longer exists. Nor can its lessons be

applied to the present. Redemption lies not in resistance but in reinvention: Unionism must find a new purpose, one that embraces the reunification of the Irish people of all traditions and creeds, across artificial divides. That would be a noble and effective strategy.

Ireland, both north and south, is quickly becoming an integrated, diverse society. The old barriers, religious strictness, bigotry, misogyny, ignorance, class divisions, and misplaced loyalties are being broken down. Instead, egalitarianism, interdependence, and cooperation are rising. The future does not belong to unionism or any ideology based on exclusion or nostalgia. It belongs to those who can lead with empathy, imagination, and civic courage.

Ireland is entering a new era. It is not seeking a return: it is seeking renewal and new leadership to guide it there.